The OUN and Nazi Germany

TOPIC 7

WORLD WAR II

Soviet Policy in Western Ukraine

The Second World War started on 1 September 1939 when Germany invaded Poland. Before this on 23 August Stalin and Hitler signed the so-called Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact. It contained a secret protocol in which the dictators agreed to divide Eastern Europe into spheres of influence and occupation. According to this arrangement, Stalin was supposed to gain Finland, the three Baltic republics, Western Belarus, Western Ukraine, and Bessarabia. On 17 September when the Polish army was almost defeated the Soviet troops invaded western Ukraine and western Belarus. On 22 September a combined Soviet-German military parade in Brest marked the end of Poland.

    Western Ukraine was attached to the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. Soviet policy in Western Ukraine was contradictory. Some measures of the Soviet government were welcomed by West Ukrainians. The lands of the Polish landlords were expropriated and distributed among the peasants. All spheres of life were Ukrainized (educational system, state bureaucracy, judicial system, etc). Ian Casimir Lviv University, a bastion of Polish culture for centuries, was renamed after Ivan Franko and adopted Ukrainian as the language of instruction. Poles were replaced by Ukrainians in the administrative apparatus. Health care system was improved radically in cities and villages. Enterprises were nationalized. Unemployment disappeared. On the other hand, many measures were unwelcome. All political parties, independent newspapers, and cultural organizations including Prosvita were closed. Many nationally-minded intellectuals were repressed. The Greek Catholic church was persecuted. Collectivization campaign started in the village. Hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians and Poles were deported to the cold regions of the USSR.[1]

 

German invasion of the Soviet Ukraine

On 22 June 1941 Germany attacked the USSR. The attack was a complete surprise for Stalin. He could not believe that Hitler would attack him leaving the unconquered Great Britain behind. Though the Red Army was very huge (it had more planes and tanks than Germany, Japan, Italy, Romania, and Finland taken together) it lacked competent leaders after mass repressions (44 000 officers were repressed). After the repressions only 7 percent of the Red Army’s commanders had higher education. Despite its smaller size the German army was much better organized and had a two-year military experience. The factor of a surprise attack also played a major role in Germany’s initial success. A considerable part of the Red Army was destroyed during the first few days.

    Ukraine was invaded by a group of armies called the “South” (which included, besides German armies, the armies of their Romanian, Italian, Slovakian and Hungarian satellites), under the command of field-marshal von Runshtedt. The fighting in Ukraine was heavy. The defense of Odessa lasted for 73 days. More than two months lasted the defense of Kyiv. Stalin gave an order to hold Kyiv “at any price.” The Soviet troops under the command of General M. Kyrponos were forbidden to retreat. That was a serious tactical mistake. In September the Germans managed to encircle that large army, kill 616, 304 and take 665, 000 prisoners.[2] Hitler triumphantly called the Kyiv operation “the largest battle in world history.” The Kyiv catastrophe opened for the Germans the way to Kharkiv, Donbass, and the Crimea. In October almost all of Ukraine was under German occupation.

    Using the advantages of a highly centralized totalitarian system, the Communists managed to organize evacuation of important industries with their workers to the eastern parts of the USSR. Stalin ordered to apply a scorched-earth strategy (тактика спаленої землі), according to which everything that could not be evacuated was to be destroyed. Factories, plants, railway stations and bridges were blown up, crops burnt. Important public buildings in cities were mined and later blown up, killing some Germans. Kyiv lost many of its finest architectural masterpieces as a result of such actions. Paradoxically, the Germans saved dozens of historical buildings in the city when they cleared them of mines for safety reasons.    The scorch-earth strategy also touched numerous convicts, many of whom got to prisons for political reasons (the so-called enemies of the people). Thousands of convicts were brutally killed in prisons as the Communists did not want them to be “liberated” by the Germans.

    The attitude of Ukraine’s civilian population to Germans was not hostile at first. In Western Ukraine, where Soviet rule was especially unpopular, Germans were often welcomed as liberators. It is partly explained by the fact that the German nation (Austrians in fact are Germans) ruled Western Ukraine from the end of the 18^th century till 1918. (Hitler himself was born and raised in Austria). In Eastern Ukraine the general reaction to the Germans was more cautious, but the feeling was widespread that their coming would lead to improvements over the Stalinist regime. Many East Ukrainians had positive recollections of Germans who had established order and brought the Skoropadsky regime to power in 1918. Some East Ukrainian peasants believed that Germans would abolish collective farms and met them with bread and salt. Most of East Ukrainians remained neutral and adopted a wait-and-see-attitude.

    The unpopularity of Soviet regime in Ukraine was reflected in the fact that Soviet authorities had problems with mobilization in the republic. For example, only one-third of the draftees came to the enlistment offices in Kharkiv and one-fifth in Voroshilovgrad (Luhansk).

 

The OUN and Nazi Germany

After the assassination of Ievhen Konovalets (the OUN’s leader) by a Soviet agent in Rotterdam in 1938, the OUN split into two factions: moderate OUN-M (Melnykites), lead by Andrii Melnyk; and radical OUN-B (Banderites), lead by Stepan Bandera. The two factions were hostile to each other. This hostility led from time to time to assassinations. For example, two prominent Melnykite leaders (Omelian Senyk and Mykola Stsiborsky) were killed by Banderites. In general, hundreds of OUN-M and OUN-B members were killed in mutual struggle.

    At the beginning of the war Germans cooperated with both factions of the OUN. One of the results of that cooperation was the formation of the Legion of Ukrainian Nationalists consisting of two units – Nachtigall and Roland. These units were trained and equipped by Germans and their number did not exceed 600 soldiers.[3] Both these unites belonged to the OUN-B faction. The OUN-B hoped that they would become the core of a feature Ukrainian army while the German command planned to use them for punitive actions on occupied territories.

    At the beginning of the war OUN-B and OUN-M formed so-called expeditionary groups (похідні групи) with the aim of establishing local Ukrainian administration and propagating nationalistic ideology in Eastern Ukraine. These groups did not have much success. East Ukrainians were shocked by their propaganda of ethnic exclusivity and radical anti-Russian and anti-Jewish attitudes. East Ukrainians were mostly interested in improvement of their living conditions under any regime. They surprised West Ukrainians by their indifference to the idea of Ukrainian statehood. 

    On 30 June 1941, the OUN-B (supported by the Nachtigall unit) decided – without consulting the Germans – to proclaim the establishment of a Ukrainian state in recently conquered Lviv. Bandera’s close associate, Iaroslav Stetsko, was chosen to be premier. The OUN-B thought that having been put before this fact the Germans would accept it, rather than risk a confrontation with Ukrainians at the beginning of the war.

    Despite the fact that Ukraine’s independence was proclaimed “under Germany’s protectorate,”[4] Berlin’s reaction was negative. The OUN-B leaders were told that Germans were not Ukraine’s allies but rather conquerors of Soviet territories. After refusing to withdraw the act of proclamation of Ukraine’s independence Bandera, Stetsko and their associates were arrested by the Gestapo (secret police) and put into prison (they were released only in September 1944). The OUN-B leadership was assumed by Mykola Lebed. The OUN-M officially dissociated itself from the OUN-B’s proclamation. Hoping that the Germans would respect the OUN-M’s loyalty, A. Melnyk and his associates established public organizations, organized local self-government in cities, formed auxiliary police. In October 1941 in Kyiv, members of the OUN-M started to form a political organization called Ukrainian National Council, composed largely of East Ukrainians. They hoped that it might become Ukraine’s government.

    The Nazi had different plans, however. In November the Ukrainian National Council was disbanded. Over 40 leading members of OUN-M, including the poetess Olena Teliha, were shot, and their newspaper Ukrainske Slovo, was closed. After these repressions both factions of the OUN went underground. The Ukrainian military units Nachtigall and Roland were sent to Belarus to fight against local Soviet partisans.[5]