From Capitalism and Freedom by Milton Friedman
Old age and survivorʼs insurance
The "social security" program is one of those things on which the tyranny of the status quo is beginning to
work its magic. Despite the controversy that surrounded its inception, it has come to be so much taken for
granted that its desirability is hardly questioned any longer. Yet it involves a large-scale invasion into the
personal lives of a large fraction of the nation without, so far as I can see, any justification that is at all
persuasive, not only on liberal principles, but on almost any other. I propose to examine the biggest phase of
it, that which involves payments to the aged.
As an operational matter, the program known as old age and survivor's insurance (OASI) consists of a
special tax imposed on payrolls, plus payments to persons who have reached a specified age, of amounts
determined by the age at which payments begin, family status, and prior earning record.
As an analytical matter, OASI consists of three separable elements:
1. The requirement that a wide class of persons must purchase specified annuities, i.e., compulsory
provision for old age.
2. The requirement that the annuity must be purchased from the government; i.e., nationalization of the
provision of these annuities.
3. A scheme for redistributing income, insofar as the value of the annuities to which people are entitled when
they enter the system is not equal to the taxes they will pay.
The present OASI program involves two major kinds of redistribution; from some OASI beneficiaries to
others; from the general taxpayer to OASI beneficiaries.
The first kind of redistribution is primarily from those who entered the system relatively young, to those who
entered it at an advanced age. The latter are receiving, and will for some time be receiving, a greater amount
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as benefits than the taxes they paid could have purchased. Under present tax and benefit schedules, on the
other hand, those who entered the system at a young age will receive decidedly less.
I do not see any grounds -- liberal or other -- on which this particular redistribution can be defended. The
subsidy to the beneficiaries is independent of their poverty or wealth; the man of means receives it as much
as the indigent. The tax which pays the subsidy is a flat-rate tax on earnings up to a maximum. It constitutes
a larger fraction of low incomes than of high. What conceivable justification is there for taxing the young to
subsidize the old regardless of die economic status of the old; for imposing a higher rate of tax for this
purpose on die low incomes than on the high; or, for that matter, for raising the revenues to pay the subsidy
by a tax on payrolls?
We may wish to help poor people. Is there any justification for helping people whether they are poor or not
because they happen to be a certain age? Is this not an entirely arbitrary redistribution?